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Theoretical Concepts in the Economics of Education DJBrewerandGCHentschke,UniversityofSouthernCalifornia, LosAngeles, CA, USA EREide,BrighamYoungUniversity, Provo, UT, USA ã2010Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Introduction as quoted by Walberg and Bast, 2003:182). Economists study how individuals, organizations, and societies employ Over the past two decades, the economics of education time, money, and effort. In the case of education, econo- has grown rapidly as a field. Previously, scholars and mists are interested in how society organizes and uses policymakers tended to view education and economics scarce resources to produce various types of knowledge as separate realms, with economics applied to the study andskills through formal schooling, and how these types of of private goods and education as a public good. Econom- knowledge and skills are distributed to various groups in ics has been characterized as cold and impersonal due to society. This broad definition means that many social and its focus on firms, rational self-interested individuals, and political issues and topics can fall under the purview of cost–benefit decision making, all of which on the surface economics. John Maynard Keynes once wrote that eco- appear to be unrelated to the social and moral values nomics was a ‘‘way of thinking’’ and it is this lens that has associated with educating children. As school systems in been brought to bear on a wide array of traditionally non- developed countries have come under pressure to improve economics topics, including education policy. quality and scale, the distance between the two realms has Economists typically begin an explanation of observed narrowed. It is well documented that better-educatedwork- phenomena by building a theory or a model in order to ers have more favorable labor-market outcomes than those simplify reality and highlight key characteristics. A model withless schooling. Moreover, a well-educated labor force is contains a set of assumptions, and yields predictions, critical for a nation to compete in an increasingly global ceteris paribus (all other things being equal). Often this economythatrewardsknowledgeandskills.Givenconcerns abstraction causes concern among noneconomists, but withtheproductivityof educational institutionsand thefact such simplifications are essential to understanding real- that the study of incentives, choice, and competition lie at world settings. Economists would argue that what matters the heart of economics, economists have become more is whether the predictions of a model are correct on relevant to education-reform debates. They bring increased average rather than whether the assumptions underlying attention to resource allocation and decision making at the it are realistic. Economics, then, sits firmly within the school level, take the view of educational organizations as tradition of theory–testing scientific method-based disci- potentially competitive enterprises, and those running them plines: a question is framed; a model/theory developed to as entrepreneurs. The study of incentives lies at the heart explain behavior; and the hypotheses or predictions of of economics, and an understanding of how actors in large that model/theory are then tested empirically using complex systems respond to incentives, and changes in in- real-world data. It is often described as concerned with centives, helps shed light on how teachers might react to positive rather than normative issues, where the former merit pay incentives or schools might react to increased are empirically testable and the latter are dependent on competition from choice programs and charter schools. value judgments. The emphasis on hypothesis testing In this article, we briefly review several of the most makes economists almost always use research designs important theoretical concepts in the economics of edu- that are quantitative in nature, attempting to discern cation. First, we define economics and then review three whether predictions of cause and effect are valid, and of the most commonly used ideas – human capital, mar- the degree to which they are generalizable. kets, and education production. We focus here on expli- Economic theories are typically built on three basic cating the major underlying theories (in a nontechnical foundations: scarcity, rationality, and optimization. Scar- manner), rather than their application. All three have city refers to the assumption that individuals and society been utilized in numerous empirical studies. These are will never have enough resources to completely satisfy reviewed in greater depth elsewhere in the encyclopedia. their unlimitedwants. Rationalityrefersto people’sability to make decisions in a systematic and purposeful way. It implies a ‘‘consistency of response to general econo- EconomicsDefined micincentives and an adaptabilityof behavior when those incentives change’’ (Ehrenberg and Smith, 2006: 4). The Economics is often defined as ‘‘the study of the allocation last assumption is the idea of optimization – either profit of scarce means to satisfy competing ends’’ (Gary Becker or goal maximization with reference to organizations or 193 194 EconomicsofEducation utility maximization with reference to individuals. Indi- Benefits accrue later in life through enhanced earnings in viduals and groups have particular goals – be they happi- the labor market, access to better jobs, a higher likelihood ness, profit, market share, or some combination of these or of being employed, and better health. There are also others – and will make choices that will maximize these psychic benefits from enhanced social status and the pres- benefits, subject to the constraints that they face (e.g., their tige associated with higher levels of education. Although income). This does not mean, however, that economists individuals’ motivation for pursuing schooling may differ, only care about selfish individuals; personal values are and the psychic costs and benefits may be quite varied viewed more broadly, including all that individuals care depending on personality, expectations of returns, and about. Individuals behave subject to the constraints they other traits, economists hypothesize that, other things face, the context in which they find themselves, and their equal, the more the education acquired, the higher the perceptions of the consequences of alternative choices earnings achieved after the schooling is completed. they make. Prima facie evidence for human capital theory is to be Economics provides a framework for understanding found in the strong positive relationship between educa- the behavior of individuals and organizations as they tion levels and earnings that exist in almost every devel- generate and allocate human, material, and financial oped country. Generally, earnings rise with education resources. Using this perspective, economists have exam- level and they increase at an increasing rate in the imme- ined a wide range of education-related topics, and in the diate post educationyears, continue to increaseat a slower remainder of this article we discuss three of the major pace, and then flatten as individuals approach retirement education questions of interest and the concepts that have (Ehrenberg and Smith, 2006). This general pattern of been used to shed light on them. First, how much educa- earningsbyeducationlevelholdsforalmostallsubgroups, tion (does and) should an individual acquire? This entails including men andwomen,anddifferentracial and ethnic the notion of human capital. Second, how should educa- groups, but it is the differences among these groups that tion be produced and allocated by a society? This broad often fuels education policydebates about the distribution question examines conditions, characteristics, and behav- of education subsidies and services. Economists have ior under alternative organizational forms, including both devotedconsiderableattentiontothechallengeofestimat- markets and hierarchies. Third, can we be more efficient ing the returns to schooling taking account of these other and effective in organizing the production of education? factors. Analysis of such returns generally reveals a consis- Theideaof‘educationproduction’ishelpful in answering tentpositiverelationshipbetweeninvestmentineducation this question. We discuss each of these in turn. andincreasedearningsfor individuals, with an estimate of theaveragerateofreturntoanadditionalyearofschooling of about 10% (Psacharopoulos and Patrinos, 2002). An HumanCapital overviewof the empirical literature is provided elsewhere in the encyclopedia. Aprimary research area within the economics of educa- Economic research has also found nonmonetary bene- tion is the association between schooling and individual fits, both private and public, associated with educational outcomes, especially those associated with the labor mar- attainment. Individuals who have invested in education ket. Education (and training) is modeled as an individual and job training often have more job stability, improved investment decision that will receive a monetary return in health (e.g., exercise regularly, smoke less, and eat better), the labor market, typically in the form of higher lifetime are more likely to receive employer-provided health earnings. This notion of human capital has a rich history, insurance and pension benefits, are more inclined to with early economists such as Adam Smith, John Stuart vote, and have generally increased social and cultural Mill, and Alfred Marshall suggesting that individual’s capital that often enables upward mobility. These benefits skills could contribute to their economic status. In 1776, are reviewed elsewhere in the encyclopedia. Smith laid the foundation for human capital theory when hewrotethathumaneffortliesattherootof allwealth. In 1848, Mill built upon Smith’s notion; he considered MarketsandMarketFailure human abilities as means to wealth (Sweetland, 1996). Modern-day human capital theory has further extended There is general consensus that national investments in the central insight through the pioneering workof Schultz education lead to economic growth (for a review of the (1963), Becker (1964), and Mincer (1958, 1962). literature, see Sturm, 1993; Hanushek and Kimko, 2000). Knowledge and skills acquired through educational Countries spend a sizable percentage of their gross investments increase human productivity. With each domestic product (GDP) on education each year. Educa- investment, one may incur costs in the form of out-of- tional spending can be undertaken by private individuals pocket expenses, foregone earnings, and psychic costs and by governments through public expenditures. The associatedwiththepressureofstudyingandexaminations. decision as to how education at different age levels should Theoretical Concepts in the Economics of Education 195 be allocated is at its core an economic decision about how best mechanism for allocating education from society’s best to allocate scarce resources in order to maximize standpoint. output (i.e., education). Whenmarketsdonotefficientlyorganize production or Goods and services may get allocated in many differ- allocate goods/services to consumers, then market failure ent ways – for example, by tradition, force, or lottery. In is said to occur. There are several reasons why markets fail. modern societies, resources are allocated either by mar- First, market power may arise when a supplier of a good/ kets, by governments, or frequently through the interplay service has the ability to control price. A monopoly is an of both. K-12 schooling has traditionally been allocated by example of such market power. Perfectly competitive mar- government at the federal, state, and local levels, with kets have many buyers and sellers, so no single buyer or postsecondary education allocated by some combination seller has a big impact on price. While certain inputs to of markets and government. As concerns about the effec- schooling may be more characteristic of perfect markets tiveness of existing schools have risen, policymakers have than others (e.g., school supplies), markets in K-12 school- questioned the central role and functions of government ing are quite imperfect. in the allocation of educational resources, and turned A second type of market failure is when consumers toward market or market-related mechanisms. have incomplete information about price and product A market is defined in an economic context as a col- quality, in which case the market cannot respond effi- lection of buyers who purchase and sellers who produce cientlyand correctly. Under incomplete information, par- and sell goods and services; the interaction of buyers and ents may or may not choose schools based on outputs sellers results in the possibility of exchange and, hence, in important for broader society. (There is some evidence, the allocation of goods and services. The transaction is e.g., that many parents care not only about student facilitated through agreement on price. A graphical illus- achievement but also the social and racial profile of a tration of a market shows a downward-sloping demand school’s students, preferring settings where there are curveandanupward-slopingsupplycurve.Sellerswantto most students like their own child.) Hence, although maximizeprofits, while buyers want to maximize satisfac- their preferences may be satiated in a market setting, tion based on their preferences and budget constraints. some may judge that these preferences are not desirable The higher the market price, the more of a good or from society’s standpoint. service a seller is willing to supply, but the lower quantity Third, externalities exist when consumption or pro- of that same good or service a buyer will demand, other duction have an indirect effect on others that is not things being equal. The function of a market is to adjust reflected in market prices. In the case of education, the price to accommodate changes in supply and demand as decision maker (e.g., an individual student) does not bear efficiently as possible. When the price in a market reaches all the costs or reap all the rewards from his or her a level where the quantity that buyers want to purchase decision about how much education to obtain. Even equals the quantity that sellers want to supply, then the though society may benefit more from an educated per- market is said to be in equilibrium. Markets also act to son, the person making the educational decisions may not keep prices low. Producers that fail to offer consumers see those benefits as his or her own. Thus, the good what they want, or who charge too high a price, will lose (education) will be underconsumed from the perspective business and eventually close. The dynamics of markets of the market. This presence of social benefits arising from means a continuous process of adjustments that includes basic education is perhaps the chief reason why govern- shortages and surpluses, and consumers and producers ments have typically made schooling compulsory at ele- entering and exiting the market. mentary and secondary levels. In many circumstances, markets are the preferred Fourth, markets may fail for public goods – those that method for allocating resources because they are able to can be made available to additional people without addi- coordinate many buyers and sellers, give consumers con- tional cost (nonrival), and once provided are difficult to siderable influence over price, characteristics, and quan- prevent others from consuming (nonexcludable). School- tity, and avoid relying on a handful of arbitrary decision ing is to some degree a public good. As with externalities, makers. Under these circumstances, markets are an effi- markets will tend to undersupply public goods. cient mechanismforallocatingresources,meaningthatno Thepossibilityof market failure, especially the under- morecouldbeproducedwiththesameresources,andthe consumption of education by private individuals from same output could not be produced with fewer resources. society’s standpoint, as well as the importance of educa- Efficiency is a specific criterion for judging an allocation tional goals other than efficiency, has historically led to mechanism. It does not say whether the resulting distri- significant government intervention in the education sec- bution of resources meets goals other than satisfying tor through regulation, financing, and operation. Regula- buyers and sellers (e.g., whether it is fair). Clearly, con- tion can take different forms including setting safety sumers of education have multiple goals (Gill et al., 2001) standards, mandating curriculum or student assessments, and these need to be considered in deciding what is the and requiring teacher credentials. Financing can be in the 196 EconomicsofEducation form of direct funding to schools or various forms of identify and measure all inputs and outputs of schooling. financial aid to individuals. Revenues for schooling may Multiple outputs (e.g., basic skills, vocational skills, creativ- be generated from general taxation, rather than user fees, ity, and attitudes) are valued, may accrue in a cumulative such that there is no clear relationship between receipt of manner, and may only be discernable many years into the the service and the payment for it. The government may future.Inputscanbehardtomeasure,andthedimensions also directly operate educational enterprises, which most easily measurable may not capture the important means that the delivery units are embedded within a features of that input adequately. For example, the way in larger government hierarchical infrastructure controlled which a teacher interacts with students is important in the bypolitical mechanisms, owned by the state, and in which students’ learning process; however, the characteristics of the employees are civil servants. effective teachers may not be well captured by readily Typically, regulation, finance, and operation have been available proxies such as years of experience or qualifica- combined in a vertically integrated public sector system. tions. Nonschool inputs, such as peer influence and family Further, because government-operated schools have been background clearly affect how much students learn. More- designed to serve all students in a geographic area, in that over, outputs are themselves joint products (i.e., students locality theyconstitute a virtual monopoly. From a market experience multiple teachers and carry with them knowl- perspective, this means that schools do not face com- edge from other classes and from home). The value of petitive pressure to keep quality high and costs down. the production function approach, however, is as a frame- In addition, many families (particularly low-income and work for thinking about what resources, in which combina- minority families) do not have much choice over the tions, make a difference for student outcomes. Many studies schooling options for their children. Recent educational have attempted to determine the relationship between reforms are to some extent characterized by an attempt inputs and outputs as currently exists in the United States to unbundle regulation, finance, and operation – ranging and elsewhere. fromtaxcredit schemes, to magnet schools, to controlled- The second economics-oriented perspective on orga- choice programs, to charter schools, and voucher pro- nizations, achieved largely through applied principal– grams. Several of these are discussed in much greater agent theory, was originally conceived by economist depth elsewhere in the encyclopedia. Nobel Laureate Ronald Coase in the early 1930s, who argued that markets and hierarchies, heretofore examined as separate topics, were in effect, substitutes for each EducationProduction other. The factors in a specific firm or division of a firm that made one alternative superior to another were often Economists have sought to understand how education is associated with the differing costs of coordination (the produced. This has taken two different forms. One is to costs associated with transactions among individuals). treat education as a production function wherein school- This perspective has been extended to include a third ing inputs are processes from which outputs are produced. substitutable form of organization, alliances or networks. In this formulation of schooling, processes occur within a In agency theory (Moe, 1984; Ferris and Winkler, 1991) black box of the school system. The second approach principals (superiors in organizations, e.g., school super- explicitly looks inside the black box and examines the intendents) seek to ensure that agents (subordinates in organization as a web of interpersonal contracts wherein organizations, e.g., school principals) carry out the princi- individuals seek to coordinate others (and are in turn pal’s goals, in recognition of four primary factors that coordinated by others) in the performance of work. This make this difficult. An adverse selection problem occurs latter arena is most often referred to either as transaction when principals (e.g., school superintendents) are not cost economics (accounting for the newly recognized fully informed about the abilities and values of the agents costs of coordination or transactions) or as applications (e.g., school principals) and select agents that are not the of principal–agent theory (seeking to capture the complex best choice. A diverse objectives problem occurs when issues of delegation of decision rights between bosses or agents pursue their own objectives at the expense of principals, and their subordinates or agents). pursuing the principals’ objectives. This problem is com- Theproductionfunctionapproachuses an input–output pounded when compliance is achieved only by costly framework to help think about schooling. The main inputs monitoring and controlling of the agents. An information mayincludeteachers, administrators, supplies, and facilities asymmetry problem occurs when information within while the main outputs are student achievement (knowl- the accountability relationship is not evenly distributed. edge, skills). The relation between the educational inputs The agent typically has the information advantage. and outputs is usually statistically estimated using multiple Finally, a weak incentives problem occurswhen principals regression techniques. While the education production lack sufficient decision rights to cause the agents to function is simple in theory, it is very complex in practice either share principals’ values or to behave as if they did. (Goldhaber and Brewer, 1997). For example, it is hard to Although the full implications of agency theory and the
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